Summary
“Friendship” – danah boyd
Historically:
“Even as youth were developing a sense of autonomous generational identity with the aid of popular media cultures, their period of financial dependency and segregation from adult roles was expanding as more and more youth attended high school and higher education institutions.” (db, p.82)
> “Despite the perception that online media are enabling teens to reach out to a new set of social relations online, we have found that for the vast majority of teens, the relations fostered in school are by far the most dominant in how they define their peers and friendships.” (Ibid.)
> IMPORTANT: “Surveys of U.S. teens indicate that most teens use social media to socialize with people they already know or are already loosely connected with (Lenhart & Madd 2007; Subrahmanyam & Greenfield 2008).”[1] (db, p.89)
» Then, what is the reason for ‘social media participation’?
Answer:
“Teens have flocked to social media because they represent an arena to play out … means of status negotiations even when they are away from the school yard. (…) Teens use all that is available to craft and display their social identities and interact with their peers.” (db, p.84)
> “Mediated teen social worlds began with the telephone and continue to today’s variegated palette of communications technologies and popular media.” (db, p.83-84)
Central issue: “We found that U.S. youth use a variety of social media to develop and maintain broader communities of peers.” (db, p.79)
> “For most teens, friendship-driven practices, such as those described in this chapter, play a more central role in structuring new media participation than interest-driven practices[2] .” (db, p.81)
> examine: “How social media intersect with four types of everyday peer negotiations: making friends, performing friendship, articulating friendship hierarchies, and navigating issues of status, attention, and drama. In all these cases, we consider how the unique affordances of contemporary networked publics are inflecting existing peer learning, sharing, and sociability in new ways.” (db, p.81-82)
» “These dynamics are often described in negative terms, as ‘peer pressure,’ but we can also consider them a powerful peer-based learning environment where youth are constructing and picking up social norms, tastes, knowledge, and culture from those around them.” (db, p.84)
» ! “Given the prominence of social media in both contemporary teen and adult life, learning how to manage the unique affordances of networked sociality can help teens navigate future collegiate and professional spheres where mediated interactions are assumed.” (db, p.113)
Fading boundaries between the real and the virtual:
“For most teens, social media do not constitute an alternative or ‘virtual’ world (Abbott 1998). They are simply another method to connect with their friends and peers in a way that feels seamless with their everyday lives (Osgerby 2004). (…) When teens are involved in friendship-driven practices, online and offline are not separate worlds – they are simply different settings in which to gather with friends and peers.” (db, p .84)
> “Conversations may begin in one environment, but they move seamlessly across media so long as the people remain the same.” (Ibid.)
> “Teen practices when using social media mirror those that scholars have documented in other places where teens gather with peers (Eckert 1989; Milner 2004; Skelton & Valentine, 1998).” (Ibid.) + “while the site teens go to gather at has changed over time, many of the core practices have stayed the same.” (db, .80)
» “By providing tools for mediated interactions, social media allow teens to extend their interactions beyond physical boundaries.” (Ibid.)
> Interactions involve gathering in “networked public spaces for a variety of purposes” (db, p. 79):
* negotiating identity,
* gossip,
* support one another,
* jockey for status,
* collaborate,
* share information,
* flirt,
* joke,
* goof off,
* hang out.
» “This form of networked public allowed broad peer groups to socialize together while other social media such as instant messaging (IM) and mobile phones allowed teens to interact one-to-one or in small groups.” (db, p.80)
> Remark: networked publics… sometimes become networked audiences…
“The vast majority of those who collect large numbers of Friends are adults – musicians, politicians, corporations, and both real and wannabe celebrities. Teen musicians and activists sometimes collect Friends for the same purposes as public-facing adults – to connect with fans and develop a following. (…) Teens commonly send Friend requests to bands and celebrities. Teens do not believe that such connections indicate an actual or potential friendship, but they still find value in these Friends.” (db, p.96)
» “(…) networked publics provide opportunities for always on access to peer communication, new kinds of authoring of public identities, public display of connectedness, and access to information about others.” (db, p.85) + “Social network site profile can also become valuable tools for learning more about acquiantances.” (db, p.89)
»> How tools change friendship practices:
* “Teens’ ongoing debate and negotiation over what is socially appropriate, combined with Internet companies’ efforts to monitor and regulate these practices, is gradually stabilizing a set of practices for hum youth publicly articulate their social relations on social network sites.” (db, p.95) »> institutionalization… (I discuss this process in an upcoming article).
> “The Friends feature forces teens to navigate their social lives in new ways.” (db, p.100)[3]
> “By facing decisions about how to circumscribe their Friends lists, teens are forced to consider their relationships, the dynamics of their peer group, and the ways in which their decisions may affect others. These processes make social status and friendship more explicit and public, providing a broader set of contexts for observing these informal forms of social-evaluation learning.” (Ibid.)
> “It makes peer negotiations visible in new ways, leading to heightened stakes as well as opportunities to observe and learn about social norms from their peers.” (Ibid.)
* “One of the ways in which social media alter friendship practices is through the forced – and often public – articulation of social connections.” (db, p.94)
> purposes: address book, leverage privacy settings (control), public display of connections (representation personal social identity/status) [4]
» “(…) connections serve as a public display of taste and identity (Donath & boyd 2004).” (db, p.97)
* “Using social network site profiles to research someone’s tastes*, style, affilitation, and social connections provides valuable conversation fodder in addition to offering signs of potential friendship compatibility. Furthermore, the online communication channels provide a low-cost and casual option for initiating conversations.” (db, p.98)
Effects of the mirroring and blending of real and virtual:
> “For many contemporary teenagers, losing access to social media is tantamount to losing their social world.” (db, p.79)
> “Because the peer groups that teens connect with on social network sites are the same as those they socialize with in everyday life, decisions about whom to accept and whom to reject online directly affect their offline connections.” (db, p.100)[5]
Side-remark: “While there is a stigma for not being able to make friends at school, developing friends online is further vilified by cultural fears that meeting people online is dangerous. (…) Not only do unfounded fear limit teenagers unnecessarily but they also obscure preventable problematic behavior (Valentine 2004).” (db, p.91)
» CONCLUSIONS:
Observations concerning the relation technology-behavior:
“What takes place in this realm resembles much of what took place even before the Internet, but certain features of social media alter the dynamics around these processes. The public, persistent, searchable, and spreadable nature of mediated information affects the way rumors flow and how dramas play out. The explicitness surrounding the display of relationships and online communication can heighten the social stakes and intensity of status negotiation. (…) the ethics of reciprocity embedded in networked publics support the development of friendship and shared norms, but it also plays into pressures toward conformity and participation in local, school-based peer networks.” (db, p.112)
> “While there is a dark side to what takes place, teens still relish the friendship opportunities that social media provide.” (Ibid.)
Observations concerning social media as learning environment:
“Social media, and especially social network sites, allow teens to be more carefully attuned, in an ongoing way, to the lives of their friends and peers. Social media are integrally tied to the processes of building, performing, articulating, and developing friendships and status in teen peer networks. (…) While social warfare and drama do exist, the value of social media rests in their ability to strengthen connections.” (db, p.113)
> “Social media also play a crucial role in teens’ ability to share ideas, cultural artifacts, and emotions with one another.” (Ibid.)
> “Youth are developing new norms and social competencies that are specifically keyed to networked publics, such as how to articulate friendships, how to be polite to their peers, and how to create, mediate, or avoid drama.” (Ibid.)
[1] Remark:
* “Teens often use social media to make or develop friendships, but they do so almost exclusively with acquiantences or friends of friends.” (db, p.89)
* “Teens who are driven by specific interests that may not be supported by their schools, (…), often build relationships with others online through shared practices.” (db, p.90) (see also, footnote [2]).
* “In addition to these interest- and identity-driven motivations for building connections, some teens connect with strangers precisely because they are strangers,” because they allow discussion about “(…) intimate matters (…) that would be difficult to bring up in the local context for fear of [embarrassment] and damaging (…) local – and persistent – reputation.” (db, p.90)
[2] Thus, boyd deals with a different kind of online activity than the interaction discusses by James Paul Gee in relation to ‘Affinity Spaces’. see:
“Although sites such as LiveJournal or web forums share much of the functionality of MySpace or Facebook, they inhabit a genre in closer alignment to interest-driven practices.” (db, p.81)
Nuance: “While the dominant practice of teens in MySpace and Facebook conform to hanging out, friendship-driven genre, kids sometimes also use these practices as jumping-off points to messing around and more “geeked out” interests.” (ibid.)
[3] e.g.: “The Top Friends feature is a good example of how structural aspects of software can force articulations that do not map well to how offline social behavior works (…) [it is a way] in which social media take what is normally implicit and make it explicit.” (db, p.103-104)
> Causes social drama, because:
* “(…) teens do not necessarily think of their friends as hierarchically ranked, but the technology forces this ranking.” (Ibid.)
* “(…) teens might feel closer to different friends in different contexts and along different dimensions.” (Ibid.)
* “(…) people might feel close to some friends becaue they get them invited to parties and close to other friends because they help them with their homework.” (db, p.104)
> Nonetheless: “(…) social media also can be used to try to ease tensions among friends, (…) to publicly validate one another on social network sites to reaffirm a friendship, (…) to negotiate attention, (…) to reassure (…) friends.” (db, p.110)
»> Conclusion: “So, while drama is common, teens actually spend much more time and effort trying to preserve harmony, reassure friends, and reaffirm relationships.” (Ibid.)
[4] Note: “On social network sites, ‘Friends’ end up serving as a part of a person’s self-representation on the site as well as the foundation of access control to certain features (e.g., commenting) and content (e.g., blog posts). Teens use Friends to enact their identity (Livingstone 2008) and imagine the social context (boyd 2006).” (db, p.94) ** imagined communities
»> “Social network sites use the term ‘Friends’ to label all articulated relationships, regardless of intensity or connection type (e.g., family or colleagues).” (Ibid.)
[5] Elaboration: “Properties of social media can alter the visibility of these acts [i.e. social drama], making them more persistent and more difficult for participants to get a complete picture of what’s happening or interpret the acts accurately.” (db, p.105)
»> REMARK: I wonder whether this is true. Perhaps the properties of social media are indeed increasing the persistence of activity, but I don’t think the dispersion of the activity or the difficulty to acquire a complete picture are actually increasing compared to offline situations. Perhaps the persistence – the fact that things are recorded and archive online – even amounts to a certain degree of decrease of confusion or lack of overview.
> True of course: “While it is unclear whether or not the Internet has changed the frequency of gossip, social media certainly alter the efficiency and potential scale of interactions. (…) there is greater potential for gossip to spread much farther and at a faster pace, making social media a catalyst in teen drama. (…) Social media provide another stage on which dramas can be played out.” (db, p.105)
Source: scribd.com



